This blog post is adapted from our article: Hansalbin Sältenberg, Silvia Díaz Fernández and Paloma Caravantes (2024) ‘Two Gender–Equal Nations? Anti-Gender Re-Configurations of National Belonging in Sweden and Spain’ Journal of Gender Studies, 0(0): 1-15
Building on our research on anti-gender politics in Sweden and Spain, we argue that the intersection of gender equality, migration-race and religion-secularism plays a pivotal role in the construction of national identity in both countries and, thus, in the political agendas of anti-gender actors. Specifically, we look at how Swedish and Spanish anti-gender actors configure nationhood and belonging through dominant discourses on their country’s performance on gender equality, which in both cases is perceived as positive due to the overall strong record of gender equality legislative and policy performance.
In Sweden, secularism is integral to national identity and often regarded as synonymous with modernity and progress, especially in relation to gender equality. This conception of secularism is racialised, portraying Islam as backwards and a threat to Sweden’s supposedly already-achieved gender equality. The distinction between secularism and religion is therefore blurred, with Islam frequently framed as problematic whereas Protestantism is largely unchallenged in public discourse; as it is held as a traditional historical and common value to all (white) Swedish people. This racialised secularism underpins Swedish exceptionalism, where national identity is constructed around a homogeneous image of ‘sameness’ and gender equality, positioning Muslim migrants as inherently un-Swedish and thus, incompatible with these values.
This narrative frames the Swedish national project as inherently gender-equal, and the perceived threat from migration as a risk to this equality. Anti-gender actors within Sweden, especially the Sweden Democrats (SD), articulate an ethno-nationalist vision that equates Islam with patriarchal oppression, contrasting it with Sweden’s self-identified modern and gender-equal state. The SD’s discourse has evolved, from its initial patriarchal stance to a more secularised and nuanced position that still frames gender equality as a unique characteristic of Swedish identity. However, despite its move away from overtly religious justifications, the party maintains a racialised view of migration, particularly Muslim men, as embodying threats to the gendered and racialised order of Swedish society.
In contrast, Catholicism profoundly shapes Spain’s religious landscape despite the country’s nominal commitment to secularism since 1978. The Catholic Church plays a significant role in both political and social life, receiving public funding, tax exemptions, and providing essential welfare services. In the early 2000s, Catholic actors were at the forefront of anti-gender mobilisations, particularly in opposition to marriage equality, sexual education, and reproductive rights. This religious influence is crucial in shaping the anti-gender discourse in Spain, which often frames the preservation of the ‘traditional’ family structure and heteronormative gender roles as essential for national identity.
In the case of Vox, Spain’s far-right party, anti-gender mobilisations have embraced a discourse that merges Catholicism with secular concerns. Initially rooted in Catholic ideology, the party’s rhetoric has progressively secularised, shifting towards a broader cultural and political critique of gender equality laws and LGBTQI* rights. Vox’s strategic use of “gender ideology” as a concept is meant to delegitimise feminist and LGBTQI* movements, positioning them as ideological threats to Spanish values. This shift highlights the secularisation of anti-feminism, even as the party’s underlying discourse remains informed by traditional Catholic values. The secularisation of anti-gender rhetoric in Spain also mirrors broader trends in European politics, where the far right increasingly appropriates feminist and progressive values, albeit in a distorted form, to mobilise against perceived threats posed by migrants and minority groups. Vox, in particular, capitalises on a rhetoric of victimhood, framing feminist movements as “totalitarian” and gender equality as a tool for societal control, thus legitimising hate speech and further racialising the debate. This discourse is not merely a political strategy but a reflection of a deeper cultural anxiety about national identity, with gender equality used as a key marker of belonging.
In both Sweden and Spain, the national narrative intertwines religion, secularism, migration and gender equality to produce a racialised, gendered vision of the nation. In Sweden, secularism is a cornerstone of national identity, often portrayed as incompatible with Islam and the values associated with Muslim migrants, particularly men. In contrast, Spain’s Catholic heritage continues to shape political discourses on the definition and defence of traditional gender norms. Despite their different historical and religious contexts, both countries share a common theme: the racialisation of gender equality, where gender rights are framed as a marker of national superiority, and the migrant, particularly the Muslim migrant, is positioned as a threat to these values.
This racialised and gendered national identity is manifested in specific political and social responses. In Sweden the narrative of Swedish exceptionalism serves to justify the exclusion of migrants, while in Spain the Catholic Church’s influence on anti-gender politics functions as a vehicle for reinforcing heteronormative values. In both cases, gender equality is weaponised as a tool for nationalism, where the defence of gender rights becomes a justification for exclusionary, xenophobic, and patriarchal policies. Ultimately, the entwining of religion, secularism, and gender equality in the construction of national identity serves to reinforce racialised boundaries, positioning both Muslim migrants and feminist movements as outsiders to the imagined community.
Authors: Silvia Díaz Fernández and Paloma Caravantes, Universidad Complutense de Madrid. 4th March 2025
Note on terminology: We use the acronym LGBTQI* as an umbrella term to inclusively refer to the whole community. However, when specifically referring to legislation or mentioning rights, we employ the acronym LGBT since there are no specific laws protecting or guaranteeing the rights of queer or intersexual people in either Spain or Sweden.